Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi’s recent power grab has brought thousands of protestors to Tahrir Square, the biggest show of popular frustration against Egypt’s leader and the Muslim Brotherhood that backs him since his election in June. Morsi’s elimination of most of the checks on his power has galvanized the fractured opposition.

    EGYPT’S highest courts of appeals suspended their work Wednesday to protest presidential decrees that gave the country’s Islamist leader Mohammed Morsi nearly absolute powers, state television reported, deepening the turmoil roiling the country since the decrees were announced last week.

    A widening dispute between the president and the nation’s judiciary is at the center of the uproar over a constitutional declaration placing Morsi above oversight of any kind, including by the courts. At least 200,000 protesters filled Cairo’s central Tahrir Square on Tuesday to denounce the decrees and call on the president to rescind them.

    Morsi dismissed criticism of his power grab and said the protests on the streets of Cairo were a positive sign that Egypt is indeed on the path to democracy after overthrowing dictator Hosni Mubarak in February 2011.

    “The world stage is very difficult. It’s not easy to be on the world stage,” admitted Morsi, who won a cliffhanger election in June.

    “If we had a constitution, then all of what I have said or done last week will stop,” he said, wiping his hands to stress his point. “I hope, when we have a constitution, what I have issued will stop immediately,” he added.

    Judges with the high and lower courts of appeals decided that they will not return to work until Morsi rescinds his decrees, according to state TV. Many of the country’s courts already had stopped functioning due to individual strikes.

    A statement by the judges of the high court of appeals, known as the Court of Cassation, described Morsi’s decrees as an “unprecedented” assault on the judiciary and its principles that “defies belief.” It said the decision to stop work at all its circuits was also unprecedented but justified by the “magnitude” of the crisis.

    Morsi and his allies in the Muslim Brotherhood, which has emerged as the most powerful political movement since the revolution that ousted Mubarak nearly two years ago, have accused the judiciary of being dominated by Mubarak-era appointees who are trying to undermine the new leader.

    The constitutional court ruled in June to dissolve parliament’s lower chamber, which is dominated by Islamists, and was due to rule Nov. 25 on the legality of the lower chamber and a 100-member panel drafting a new constitution.

    A ruling, regardless of which way it goes, would constitute a direct challenge to Morsi, who took office in June as Egypt’s first freely elected president but has enraged pro-democracy activists who claim he is acting too much like the authoritarian leader he replaced.

    Egypt’s secular and liberal opposition has been wracked by divisions since the uprising that toppled Mubarak 22 months ago, allowing Islamist parties to dominate the country’s democratic transition. But last week’s decision by Morsi to eliminate most of the checks on his power and protect a controversial constitutional committee from dissolution may have finally given the various opposition groups what they need most: a cause they can all rally around.

    Unable to put aside personal politics and infighting and build sufficient grass-roots networks to challenge the already-established Islamist groups, secular parties captured less than a quarter of the seats in the first elected parliament after the uprising. The opposition’s current disarray means it is unlikely to successfully press Morsi to reverse his decision on its own, say analysts.

    Now, many are waiting to see whether Egypt’s opposition can work together long enough to mount a sustained challenge to Morsi and his backers, or if they will repeat the mistakes of the last year and a half.

    For the moment, Morsi’s decree has united most of the non-Islamist, and even some moderate Islamist, groups in Egypt and brought tens of thousands of people to Tahrir Square.

    “This is a very big test for the opposition because they have a cause that they can defend. And it’s a very strong cause and a big cause and a public cause, and I think it’s a very good chance for the opposition to build its base and rally the streets and rally people,” says Bassem Sabry, a blogger and writer. “But the test is not ‘Can the opposition band together in three days?’ The question is how they can band together for three months, and another three months after that.”

    Morsi’s Freedom and Justice Party says his temporary measures are aimed at speeding up a seemingly endless transition.

    Morsi says the move was not an attempt to grasp unlimited power, but was necessary to keep the judiciary, which includes Mubarak appointees many consider corrupt, from putting up endless roadblocks on Egypt’s transition to stability. His critics say it places near dictatorial power in his hands.

    Asked about warnings from critics that he wants to become a new pharaoh, Morsi repeated “New pharaoh?” disbelievingly, before letting out a big laugh. “Can I be?” he asked incredulously. “I’ve been suffering, personally.”

    U.S. officials said Washington was closely following the drama, with a warning that Cairo could put vast amounts of international aid at stake if it veers off the democratic course.

    But the International Monetary Fund said Tuesday that Egypt can still access a US$4.8 billion loan agreed last week as long as there is “no major change” in its reform commitments.(SD-Agencies)

    U.S. faces familiar dilemma with  Egypt’s Morsi

    IN a hectic week of unrest in the Middle East, President Mohammed Morsi emerged as America’s key partner in working toward peace between the Jewish state and the Hamas leaders of the Gaza Strip, assuming a leadership role left vacant since former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak’s ouster nearly two years ago.

    After winning U.S. and worldwide praise, Morsi immediately cashed in on his new political capital by seizing more power at home.

    Morsi last week granted himself near autocratic powers at least until a new constitution is adopted and parliamentary elections are held — a timeline that stretches to mid-2013.

    Morsi’s timing has put the White House in an awkward position, the decrees coming just a day after U.S. President Barack Obama aides praised the Egyptian president as a pragmatic and effective peacemaker.

    Joel Rubin, a former U.S. State Department official who worked on Mideast issues, warned against rushing to judgment on Morsi. “The real strategic cornerstone for our relationship with Egypt has its grounding in the security relationship with Israel,” he said. “And so far, that has been maintained.”

    It’s unclear what Washington could do, anyhow, beyond prodding Morsi to respect the rule of law and advance democracy — which he may yet have full intention of doing. The United States tolerates imperfect partners from Afghanistan to Africa when it serves U.S. national interests, and Egypt’s crucial geopolitical position between the rest of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula gives it significant leverage. The country has long been a bulwark of U.S. efforts to contain Iran’s influence in the Arab world and to fight extremist groups such as al-Qaida.

    And, after waiting for almost two years to find a partner it can rely on for regional stability, the United States has little incentive to sour relations with Morsi. More political uncertainty in Egypt could imperil that country’s democratic transition. And a power vacuum would cause deep concern for the United States and Israel, with far less cooperative political groups lying in wait.(SD-Agencies)