Winton Dong dht620@sina.com COMING to the rescue of three ailing workers, a patrol aircraft from the Chinese Navy made a historic landing on Yongshu Reef, part of the Nansha Islands, on April 19, 2016. The rescue proves that China’s installations in the South China Sea can fulfill humanitarian missions. The landing, which was criticized by the U.S., is also believed to be an answer to American Defense Secretary Ash Carter’s visit to the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier John Stennis in the disputed waters on April 15. Analysts say that as the U.S. embraces its pivot-to-Asia policy, tension in the South China Sea will remain, or even escalate, if the U.S. continues to provoke China. The disputed areas were an integral part of the Chinese nation centuries ago. The U.S. says it is opposing restrictions on freedom of navigation and unlawful claims of sovereignty, but China has never restricted navigation in the area. The American intention is obvious. More than 10,000 kilometers from the South China Sea, the U.S. should not be concerned about freedom of navigation. The real issue is Uncle Sam’s inability to tolerate any challenge to its supremacy in Asia. Bolstered by the United States, Asian nations such as Japan, the Philippines, Vietnam and Malaysia lay claims in the South China Sea. Some countries have even had military installations on disputed islands since the 1970s. For example, the Philippines has occupied at least eight islands, reefs and shoals by military force. In February 2016, U.S. President Barack Obama held the U.S.-ASEAN Summit at Sunnylands in California to promote closer engagement with ASEAN countries. Territorial disputes in the South China Sea were a major topic at the summit. But the summit’s joint statement, the “Sunnylands Declaration,” did not name the South China Sea, instead it called for “respect of each nation’s sovereignty.” Analysts believe the ambiguous wording exposes divisions among these countries in how to respond to China’s maritime strategy. Frankly, China is justified in safeguarding its territorial integrity in the South China Sea. But the U.S. is taking on a thankless task by asserting itself in the area. The U.S. risks friction with China along with eventually being forced to break promises to its Asian allies. Despite America’s goading, some Asian nations are refusing to take sides. On April 18, visiting Indian Defense Minister Manohar Parrikar told his Chinese counterpart that India did not want its ties with China to be affected by third-party factors. The remarks came only one week after Parrikar and U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter vowed to safeguard maritime security in the region, including the South China Sea. At the beginning of April this year, a Japanese submarine visited a former U.S. navy base at Subic Bay in the Philippines, a sign Japan is getting more deeply involved in territorial disputes. The Japanese newspaper Akahata later criticized the Abe government for blindly following U.S. policy in Asia. The newspaper said Japan is being used as cannon fodder for America and called for peaceful settlement of disputes through negotiation. These examples prove that the U.S. alliance in Asia is not a monolithic block. Much more than that, while focusing on territorial disputes in the South China Sea, the United States has lost ground in its traditional strategic areas. In Syria, America was put to shame by Russia’s effective and decisive involvement. When dealing with Iran’s nuclear issue, the U.S. angered longtime allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. The wars launched by the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan in the name of fighting terrorism have instead increased terrorism and led to Europe struggling to deal with a flood of refugees fleeing war-torn areas. There is a Chinese proverb: “The past not forgotten is a guide for the future.” As a great nation, will the U.S. learn from its past mistakes? (The author is the editor-in-chief of the Shenzhen Daily and holds a Ph.D. from the Journalism and Communication School of Wuhan University.) | 